http://oregon.uoregon.edu/~bcadbury/timeln.htm#jumper

A rough and ready run-through of Irish history:

[As of November 30, 1996 I have this up to the present, though at the cost of at the end going back and working up Northern Ireland, in its relations to the IRA and to Eire and Britain, from the '20s.

early benchmarks:

283 Death of Finn Mac Cool

432 St. Patrick arrives (for the second time) and converts the Irish

453 Death of Patrick

550-650 flowering of monasticism

7th through 9th centuries: kings (of three grades, up to province level--maybe 100 of them) led their followers in war and negotiation: the church sees theorized them.. The Uí Néill kings ruled in Ulster and made claims to being high kings. The Eóganacht ruled in Munster for centuries, Uí Briúin in Connacht (and Uí Briúin Bréifne pushed wedge between two Uí Néill branches in what is now Leitrim).

798 first Viking (Norwegian) raid, lots of hit-and-run incidents, then in 830s started bigger campaigns on Boyne, Liffey and Shannon, made base in Dublin. Kings and abbots counterattacked, and by 870s Vikings turned attention to England. But they had settled, and ruled, Dublin, Waterford, Wexford, Cork. Another round of raids in 10th century, by 950 over. From then, Vikings were the main traders, and the Ostmen became merchants and seamen, on the coasts.

Also in 10th century, the Uí Néill in power struggle among themselves: Brian Boru (ancestor of the O'Briens) is their rival. In 997 he and Mael Sechnaill divide Ireland between them (and Brian defeats Sitric Silkenbeard, Viking king of Dublin).

1014: Battle of Clontarf, Brian Boru defeats Danish occupation army, but he is killed--actually, it was a battle which put a stop to Brian truly ruling all of Ireland.

Then the provincial kings get more equal, and war constantly through 12th century. They granted land to the church and their followers, levied taxes, and became like European feudal aristocracy. Muirchertach O'Brien dominated til Turlough O'Connor (king of Connacht) expanded into Munster. Power passed at his death to Uí Néill and Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, who allied himself with Dermot MacMurrough (Diarmait Mac Murchadha) king of Leinster, whose opponent was Rory O'Connor, kind of Connacht. Mac Lochlainn had tried to take Dublin and make MacMurrough king of it as well as Leinster, and when he died the Dubliners threw out Dermot with O'Connor's help. Dermot had abducted Dervorgilla (Dearbhfhorgaill) wife of Tighearnan O'Rourke of Breífne to get control of that rich piece of Connacht (though this is treated as sexual in later myth, see Ulysses, and equated not only with Helen of Troy but with Katherine O'Shea--the faithless woman brings on the English invader), and this backfired when Mac Lochlainn died and Rory O'Connor now comes to his ally O'Rourke's aid to expel Dermot. So Dermot went to Henry II to get his lands back, and Henry authorized Strongbow and other Normans to come help him do it, in 1166. (In 1152 Henry had had Pope Adrian in the Bull Laudabiliter give him--the Pope as lord of the islands of the seas--he right to govern Ireland.) Lords fitz Gilbert de Clare (Earl of Pembroke, known as "Strongbow"), FitGerald and FitzStephen lead troops, Strongbow marries Dermot's daughter Aoife (and is promised to be king of Leinster on Dermot's death) and they recapture Leinster and harry Bréifne. Henry gets worried, but Strongbow submits and becomes vassal, Henry reserving kingdom of Dublin and all forts and seaports for himself--most of the kings, Norman and Irish, submit to him. Dermot's brother-in-law, Lawrence O'Toole (Lorcán Ó Tuathail), is made Archbishop of Dublin.

Thus the "Old English" take over all of Munster and Leinster for themselves in feudal relation to the Crown, leaving a bit of Connacht under Rory and Ulster under the Uí Néill for the independent Irish. Late in 12th century Hugh de Lacy (to whom Henry had granted his lands) and Strongbow overcome resistance and divvy up lands in baronies to vassals. The Irish welcomed the invader, indeed, but Henry in many ways seemed protection against both expansionist local kings and his unruly barons.

In 13th century focus changed from lordship struggles to colonization (a population explosion in Europe), and all degrees came to Eastern Ireland, free and side by side with serf Irish. The chieftains were driven to marginal lands, and West and North remain Gaelic. English became language of towns and peasants, Norman-French of upper classes. From here on the Crown tries to control the feudal barons, and sometimes allies with the chiefs.

In 16th century and after the country ruled by Old English and Gaelic lords (getting more like each other), Geraldines for instance, more than by Crown,, i.e., a Balkanization. Scots mercenaries (Galloglas) brought in. Most of country in 15th century under Gaelic or Gaelicized lords.

Reformation in England, the Old English in Ireland refused it, sent sons to Continent for school, and the previously loyal Old English start refusing authority of crown (in spiritual matters). Mid-16th century Geraldine revolt (intended only to show Henry VIII that power as Lord Deputy shouldn't be interfered with) turned into challenge to Henry as heretic--all FitzGerald's killed, and a State Catholicism instituted. Various governments planned to defeat Gaelic lords and parcel out lands and colonize. The remaining FitzGerald came back, joined by Desmond, Elizabeth sent army, greatest slaughter Ireland had seen (much drawing and quartering): and then massive plantation scheme in 1590s--e.g. 4000 people in Munster. Hugh O'Neill tries from Ulster, helped by Spain (and purporting to be Catholic heroes), established in Kinsale, and battle 1601 defeated and English permanently won. 1607 Flight of the Earls.

James I decided no tolerance to rebellious landowners, and another plantation: lots in Ulster and in Munster too, and in fact English landowners all over. 100,000 English brought in by mid 17thcentury. And the natives turned to Englishness, the language and customs too.

But accommodation with Catholics, and penal laws not enforced. So two societies, by religion. In Ulster some Catholic landowners sought to enforce a better deal by arms in 1641, but bitterness against foreign Protestant settlers swelled up and there was chaos, rising against them. Spread throughout country, but splits in Catholics meant they didn't align behind Owen Roe O'Neill to expel Scottish Covenanter army. Cromwell descended in 1649 to evangelize for Protestantism and remove all rebels: crushed all resistance, and atrocities like in 30 Years War--all priests hunted down, Catholic estates confiscated, only non-rebel Catholics allowed to own west of Shannon. Cromwell soldiers got all the estates. Let them go "to hell or Connacht", said Cromwell.

Tyrconnell led rebellion to get back Catholic lands: James tried with help of French to get his throne back, William landed, defeated him at Boyne 1690, and at Aughrim and Limerick--again confiscation of Catholic lands and now rigorous penal code. But the country still Catholic.

At this point Ireland a prosperous European society, agricultural, big landowners, Dublic Castle oriented. But poor by English standards, and landowners looked down on by English. But social elite was first-generation English settlers, or descendents of the Englishmen who had been successful in Elizabeth and James's times, plus Scottish-descended landowners in Ulster, and some Anglo-Norman or even Gaelic people who had intermarried etc: all were Protestant. The people were uniformly convinced they had been dispossessed.

This Ascendency (i.e., those empowered by land distributions of 17th century) continues through 18th century and on: in 1801 Act of Union abolished Irish parliament. Grattan towards end of 18thcentury, then from 1870 "Home Rule" cry, try for restoration of self-government. Containment of Catholic presence accomplished by penal laws: no Catholic MPs from 1690s, Catholic inheritance and landowning limited in 1700, 1790 no Catholic right to vote (by early 18th century Catholics are 75% and own 3% of the land). By 1790s Catholics could buy and sell land, and educational restrictions removed (i.e. no more hedge schools). But still Irish politics means Protestant Irish politics all through here, Catholics (the vast majority) with no voice at all.

At end of century the general turmoil, French Revolution and all, causes revolt: Defenderism (secret societies), United Irishmen (French-influenced but in tradition of Irish constitutional opposition). Orange Lodges founded in Ulster to oppose. Wolfe Tone gets the French to come in, defeated in 1798 (jacquerie explosions in Wexford [Enniscorthy and Vinegar Hill] and East Leinster), much more sectarian than intended.

Robert Emmett led another failed rising in 1803. Violent confrontations especially in rural areas against what now seemed entirely an occupation. And Daniel O'Connell, "the Liberator", mobilized mass politics for emancipation, achieved in 1829, so the parliamentary fight could now go to Westminster--O'Connell achieved commutation of tithes. Young Ireland pushed him along. And there was a Protestant Nationalism too, Isaac Butt and "Orange Young Ireland". But Young Ireland petered out after 1848 rising.

Then Famine, 1845-9, an abrupt break in Irish social (and hence political) history. Pre-famine population huge, 8 million; 3 million emigrated, by 1870 more than half as many natives of Ireland living overseas as at home (3/5 in USA); quarter million annual emigration, Irish language disappeared, deserted villages, bachelor farm, late marriages start here. Farms consolidated, "strong farmers" (graziers) take over from tillage. Not much industrialization, except in Ulster. A post-famine elite of strong farmers, shopkeepers, merchants and traders.

Fenianism starts in 1850s, clerks and journalists, John Mitchel inspires to race war between England and Ireland; IRB. Fenian insurrection of 1867, again unsuccessful but "a rising in each generation". And in 1860s Land War takes off--refusal to allow evictions, everyone wants 'a bit of land', landlords the enemy. 1870 Gladstone Land Act gave some tenants rights, to pass on land as if inherited. The Land League (Michael Davitt) demanded security of tenure, and Plan of Campaign in 1889--by 1914 most farmers were paying annuities to the state which had advanced purchase money (and these were subject of great struggle by De Valera to withhold from England.)

Land War of 1879-82 had been by boycott etc. not violence, but much "coercion" in response to "agrarian outrages". Parnell takes that heritage and of Home Rule and even Fenianism (which had learned from abortive attempt of 1867 that physical force wouldn't do it) and forms first modern disciplined political party. In 1873 IRB revises its constitution to allow moral and political pressure to independence. And Parnell triumphed in getting the Church to back Home Rule. In 1886 Parnell forced Gladstone to back Home Rule. But, because his Radical (evangelical) wing threatened to dump him, Gladstone insisted Parnell be replaced as party chief after the O'Shea divorce, and 1890 Parnell destroyed the party and lost Home Rule by refusing to step down (Tim Pat Coogan thinks De Valera did same thing to the Treaty and caused Civil War rather than let Michael Collins be the political power).

Afterwards Parnellism became cult of the disaffected. And it blended into Irish-Ireland movement, Douglas Hyde and the Gaelic League etc (also, among Anglo-Irish, Yeats etc.).

Arthur Griffith starts Sinn Féin about 1908, and there's trade unionism under James Larkin. The general strike of 1913 failed (partly because British labor movement wouldn't support Larkin), and the issue of Ireland vs Britain rather than capital vs labor has dominated ever since.

Politically, Home Rule (which means repeal of the Act of Union and the establishment of a parliament in Dublin) passed in 1914 (with the issue of how much of Ulster to be excluded not settled). Ulster holds out against it all--the Irish Party wanted Protestant safeguards, but Ulster wants no Home Rule at all. Ulster Volunteer Force formed in 1913 (to revolt against Home Rule), and armed; in response Irish Volunteers formed in South, and Redmond with its Fenian founders came to run it--puny armaments, and mostly bluff, but civil war did loom. Then World War I starts, and Home Rule implementation suspended. Redmond celebrates by urging enlistment and calling for Volunteers especially to sign up. The Irish did enlist, UVF and IV and many others, and the European war defused the armed struggle at home. But the Brits seemed to be giving nothing back, and Redmond and the Irish Party lost credibility.

Small group of nationalists decide on rising at this time, led by IRB leaders like Tom Clarke, Patrick Pearse, joined by James Connolly: the IRB attracted disaffected members of the Volunteers too (and there was a tiny Irish Citizens Army). The rising was planned for "bloody sacrifice", sure to fail but succeed as propaganda and to create a race of Gaelic heroes, so Easter 1916, proclamation of Republic and taking Post Office and other public buildings, designed to maximize injury to persons and property. 1600 Volunteers and Citizens' Army people turned out in Dublin, little activity elsewhere. Mostly civilians killed and wounded in the 6 days carnage. People hissed the captured rebels in Dublin, but the British by executing the 15 "martyrs" and arresting 3500 others turned people to them. The new elite organized itself in prison, and the rising had reversed the trend to Anglo-Irish cooperation. Government tried to fix it by immediately putting through Home Rule, and Redmond etc. accepted it with partition, but it sabotaged by Ulster Unionists and deferred again, and this wrecked Redmond and the Irish Party forever.

De Valera , with Arthur Griffith, convinced people to work politically rather than rise again, and till 1919 he raises support in America. In prison works out a plan for Sinn Féin elections where the electees would not sit but "abstain", and gradually it becomes a national and dominant party, absorbing the Irish Party, De Valera its president (and Griffith VP) in 1917. Meanwhile, Collins becomes president of IRB. There is resistance to to British establishment of a military governer and to conscription, and passive resistance campaign (though Sinn Féin leaders arrested for a spurious German Plot, see Collins movie) (conscription evaded until the Armistice). Elections in 1918, Sinn Féin won big, and its elected members convened as Dáil Éireann in 1919 (for propaganda, international recognition). The British settled on the idea of Northern Ireland and transferred power to it by 1920, while in the South De Valera raises 5 million dollars in Republican bonds in America (much later used to found his newspaper).

Terrorism began, and the Dáil ministry created localized Republican government for public order, and slowly war starts in the South (the Volunteers being the 'official' army of the Dáil), 1919-21: arson, arms raiding, and then in 1920 creation of the "flying columns" and assassination of police, mostly terrorist war except for burning of the Custom House in May 1921, as De Valera always did want big (failed) military campaigns for propaganda purposes. Much repression, the IRC joined by the imported Black and Tans and the Auxiliaries (ex-officers) and burning creameries and wrecking central Cork city, and in Ulster the B-Specials. Martial law in the South and West. Collins's "Squad" assassinated the British intelligence apparatus (14 of them) and Sunday 21 November 1920, "Bloody Sunday", the British in retaliation killed 12 people at football game in Croke Park.

The British passed a 1920 Government of Ireland act, and scheduled elections to both Southern and Northern Parliaments and to Westminster for May 1921. Sinn Féin won all seats in the South but the 4 Trinity College ones, and 6 of 52 in the North (including Griffith, Collins and De Valera): Sinn Féin ignored the border, and thought/thinks of this as the Second Dáil, the body elected by all the people of Ireland (and hence the legitimate authority rather than the Free State). But the Act had said that if less than half attended (and none would have) Ireland would be governed by martial law as a Crown Colony. This would have meant full occupation, and the Brits backed off: they slowed repression, a truce was agreed to, and De Valera Griffith and others went to London in July '21. They offered dominion status (see Younger 156); De Valera (for the Dáil) responded by urging his "external association" idea, and after many letters a conference was agreed to for October.

Back to the Dáil for a moment: meeting in the open for the first time in August 1921, it rejected Lloyd George's first proposal in August, and elected De Valera President. He was Prime Minister in the First Dáil, and the President of the Supreme Council of the IRB had been President of the Republic since Pearse's time: in 1920 that was Collins, and he approved the passing of this role from the army (in effect) to the politicians.

The Dáil Cabinet sent its delegation to London October 11, 1921, instructed to get Cabinet approval before signing anything, though with plenary powers. Griffith, Collins, and 3 lighter weights. Why not De Valera? because as President of the Republic he couldn't have accepted compromise? to restrain Cathal Brugha and Austin Stack at home? to be a brake if the delegates got carried away? because he knew he couldn't get more than had been offered in letters, and others might (as they did)? because he was a symbol of the Republic and symbols remain aloof? or as the movie says, to let someone else bring back the bad news? or as Tim Pat Coogan thinks, to let Michael Collins take the fall for not getting a republic, so he wouldn't be the powerful one?

At any rate, for two months the country boys successfully extracted compromises from Lloyd George and Winston Churchill. But conferring at home, they were sent back without clear solution of key issues (notably some form of oath, and Ulster). After much theatre, on Dec 6, 1921, the delegation signed the Treaty--a Free State, dominion status, a 6 county Northern Ireland but a Boundary Commission, some Treaty Ports and payment of the Land debts, some minor matters, and an Oath to the King. It was to be "stepping stones" to freedom, "the freedom to achieve freedom" (Collins).

The Cabinet barely approved it (De Valera, Brugha and Stack opposed), and after a 6 day Dáil debate over the Treaty, in which De Valera pushed "Document Number 2" but didn't allow its discussion, it was approved on January 7, 1922 by 64 to 57 (members elected from more than one district--typically one in the north, one in the south--, like Collins, voted only once). On January 9 De Valera resigned as President and tried to get re-elected so he could sack the Cabinet and sabotage the Treaty.. On January 14 1922 De Valera led his followers out of the Dáil now meeting as the Parliament of Southern Ireland (as the Treaty called it, not recognizing the Dáil--see Coogan's De Valera book, p. 302, for the odd constitutional situation) since he now said the new Chairman of the Delegation would be elected to implement the destruction of the Republic under the Treaty and he couldn't do that: so he led his followers out. Griffith was elected Chairman of the Provisional Executive: he became President of the Dáil and named Collins Chairman of the Provisional Government (and Collins remained Minister of Finance in the Dáil). On January 16 they took power at Dublin Castle. The British started to evacuate the country.

There was to be a popular vote on the Treaty, which would democratically establish the Dáil of the Free State, and through monster meetings De Valera argued against it: he got the election postponed, and added to it that it would be over a new constitution too.- but until then the machinery of government was not coherent, and the IRA was divided. Ernie O'Malley's 2nd Division declared independence of central authority, and others followed. De Valera at this point stayed political rather than military, and made speeches (about walking through blood) about rejecting the Treaty. An Army Convention was called to try to patch things up within it, but proscribed by Mulcahy (Minister of Defense in the PG) for Griffith (on grounds that armies shouldn't have separate political conventions), but the Army (or rather, its most republican members) went ahead with it, thus repudiating the Dáil, and reaffirmed allegiance to the Republic, arranging its government by an Executive appointed by its own Convention. Basically, they formed a government of their own (which they still have, in effect, the IRA Army Council). There was much taking and counter-taking of barracks, until in April 1922 the Irregulars (under Rory O'Connor) seized the Four Courts (working towards government by military junta) and held them for 11 weeks. Collins did not try to eject the Irregulars (who were more numerous anyway). A pact was attempted for a constitution which would have evaded the oath, but the British rejected it. June 16 there was an election, the pro-Treaty delegates to the new Dáil winning by 3 to 1. Collins used British artillery to recapture the 4 Courts on June 28, and after about three months of conventional warfare, when the Irregulars were defeated in Limerick the war gradually became simply terrorist. Griffith dies of heart attack, Collins in ambush, Brugha in a shootout. September 9 1922 Third Dáil assembles: Free State Constitution approved October 1922, William Cosgrave head. Unlike Collins (who secretly supported the Irregulars fighting in the North even while at war with them in the South), Cosgrave didn't try to interfere in Ulster, and accepted the 6 county boundary--from 1920-22 there had been horrendous sectarian violence against Catholics there, but they were basically left to stew in their own juice (as they feel to this day they are by Dublin). When the Irregulars declared general assassination plans and shot Deputy Sean Hales in the street the government executed Rory O'Connor and Liam Mellowes (and 2 others), prisoners from the 4 Courts. On 24 May 1923 De Valera managed to get the IRA leader so empower him to arrange ending of hostilities, after which those who refused to lay down their arms continued the struggle as the matter of murders and bombings and robberies, etc. which continue to this day.

Elections in September 1923, De Valera running Sinn Féin candidates (against Cumann na nGaedheal, predecessor of Fine Gael) many of whom were on the run (including himself). De Valera was arrested in at Ennis in Clare and imprisoned till July 16, 1924. Sinn Féin did well, therefore support for their ideas but not for violence. De Valera big winner, though could not take his seat (because of the Oath, and in jail!).The Cosgrave government was conservative, cultural definition against Britain being the center, focus on Irish language and culture. No social-welfare emphasis, a strongly rural petit bourgeois state, exporting to England. The disaffected IRA republicans (by then called simply the IRA, or Sinn Féin) had an "army mutiny" in 1924, which Kevin O'Higgins squashed, but continued attacks. It became clear that the Six Counties were going to veto any implementation of the Boundary Commission (and this weakened Cosgrave's political situation and strengthened De Valera's--many pro-Treaty people had relied on Collins's "stepping stones" approach). Second Dáil continued to meet, but De Valera realized it offered no way to power, and drew away from his extremist support. Through 1924-5 government got more repressive, IRA came into more conflict with the state, economics worsened, and Sinn Féin won many (abstentionist) by-elections. Fearful that Sinn Féin was going to stop abstaining, the IRA convention September 1925 (first since the war) broke with Sinn Féin and decided to be a law unto itself, independent of De Valera and politicians (and its violence promptly increased). At the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in March 1926, since he couldn't get approval for entering the Dáil if the Oath problem were settled, De Valera resigned as its President, and in April announced creation of Fianna Fail--still to abstain unless Oath dropped. Dev went to America in 1927 for money and propaganda, and in the June elections Fianna Fail (44) overwhelmed Sinn Féin (5) and had only slightly less than Cumann na nGaedheal (47). They were excluded from the Dáil because of the Oath, but after the IRA murdered Kevin O'Higgins and the government passed a law saying no constitutional politics (such as election campaigning) would be permitted without a promise to take the oath, Fianna Fáil took that pretext to bite the bullet and in August 1927 De Valera took the Oath, saying it was an empty formula (the Oath that was not an Oath). Fianna Fail got stronger in elections of 15 September, but Cosgrave continued to lead a coalition government, Dev now leading opposition, but what Coogan calls "De Valera's Decade" (1928-38) begins..

1928-32 Fianna Fail becomes strongest party, and Dev founds Irish Press with the American bond money; Depression era, much emigration. IRA big campaign of assassinations, and Cosgrave bans it October 1931 (giving Fianna Fail a "Release the Prisoners" issue): De Valera condemned the violence, but still presents Fianna Fail as on the IRA side against the Treaty (i.e., working from within). The land annuities issue too: in 1891-1909 Land Acts had loaned farmers money to buy out English landlords, and this money owed Britain--Dev campaigned to retain it (still collected from farmers) by Irish government. (And he spent much time in America getting the bondholders to turn their money over to his Irish Press). The Cosgrave government achieved much independence from Britain in this period, and power in Commonwealth affairs; also got the crucial Statute of Westminster (1931) passed, which said Britain couldn't veto commonwealth country laws (hence the Dáil could repudiate the Oath!).

But Cosgrave government too reactionary in economics, and in 1932 Dev took power, basically on the policy he should have had ten years earlier, constitutional opposition to the Treaty while relying on its permitted forms to change it--it was a stepping stone after all. The Fianna Fail platform was to remove the Oath, retain land annuities, encourage native industry and agriculture by protectionism, restore government's pay cuts to lower civil servants, promote Irish language and culture, not go to war on partition without voter approval. Fianna Fail won , and formed a government: the losing side of the Civil War now was in power (and fears that the Free Staters would refuse to turn it over were real but didn't get realized)..

Over Britain's extreme objections, using Statute of Westminster he gets Dáil to abolish the Oath in May 1933. He managed to argue that the land annuities were illegal (and may have been right), and withheld them: the British clamped a 20% levy on Irish goods, the Irish followed suit, and economic war began July 1932. The economic hardship was alleviated by grants and doles which made Fianna Fail look better. He managed to reduce Governor General's importance, and had Irishman appointed (and abolished it later).

IRA support for Fianna Fail was rewarded, prisoners released in 1932, and IRA unbanned: but it repudiated the government (as still only 26 county). Dev worked for IRA support, but to have it disband and join the Army, and prepared for security measures too, and IRA and Gardai almost at war. An Army Comrades Association was formed by Mulcahy and Dr. T. F. O'Higgins, to oppose IRA which they thought Dev was letting run riot. Dev bribed but attacked IRA--pensions to Republican side in Civil War, but harder on violations. For their part, the Army Comrades became "blueshirts" (and with a Hitler salute), and under General Eoin O'Duffy renamed National Guard. After much tension, Cumann na nGaedheal, the National Guard and another party joined, under O'Duffy, as Fine Gael: hence a right/left situation: Fine Gael, big farmers, business and professions and ex-Unionists on right, Fianna Fail, Labour Party and IRA on left, with private armies' war on each other (with cover story of anti-Communist crusade). Dev raided and banned blueshirts (but not IRA), later banned uniforms, but eventually blueshirt movement lost at the polls, O'Duffy's violence got out of hand and repudiated by conservatives, and Cosgrave took leadership of Fine Gael again (O'Duffy led a regiment off to fight for Franco).

On the left, IRA tensions (32-county issue vs anti-Blueshirt issue) led to splits--socialist types went off to fight against Franco, and IRA weakened.. Dev no longer needed "extremist support" and a series of murders (including Somerville) outraged the country. In 1936 De Valera finally declared it illegal, and IRA men started getting long prison terms.

De Valera got the Senate abolished in 1936 , and got the King and Governor General out of even nominal power, and in 1937 Dáil approved a new Constitution (election on it and general election planned on July 1), with the Church deeply embedded, in a "special position" as "guardian of the faith" (offensive then and now to Ireland's Protestants). Changed name to Eire or (in English) Ireland, a "sovereign, independent, democratic state"; claimed the whole island as the national territory (though acknowledging that its dominion was only the 26 counties--but this is the legacy of the extremist support); said woman's place in the home, no divorce, divorces elsewhere not valid here, women may be excluded from the labor force. Constitution squeaked through (39% for, 30% against, 31% not voting). To placate Protestants, Douglas Hyde named first President (to live in Viceregal Lodge).

In 1938 de Valera negotiated an end to the economic war with Britain (as Britain tried to assure Ireland would be ally): Ireland got back the Treaty ports, and agreed to a lump payment of 10 million to settle the land annuities. Thus de Valera assured that Ireland could be neutral in the war. The people wanted to see England "not bate, but nearly bate", but during the war gradually shifted to being pro-Allies. Neutrality however had lasting ill-effects on partition and meant a small Irish share in post-war recovery. But still, it was a positive stance, in keeping with the "sinn féin" attitude.

IRA became a problem again: leader Sean Russell initiated bombing campaign in Britain (after surviving members of the 2nd Dáil turned over their "authority" to the IRA Army Council) in 1939: bad publicity because here was Ireland not only not defending England but attacking it. De Valera cracked down--army tribunals, imprisonment and detention without trial, then executions of prisoners, once by a British hangman. (The IRA at one point stole most of the Irish Army's ammunition from the Magazine Fort in Phoenix Park!)

After the war, shortages and economic crises hurt Fianna Fail: a coalition of Fine Gael with Labour and splinter parties--mostly just anti-Fianna Fail--made a government in 1948, John Costello, Taoiseach, who declared the Republic (i.e., out of the Commonwealth) in 1949 (hence ending hope of ending partition, since Britain responded with law that NI never leave UK except by "consent"). Strategic economic planning was emphasized, and power moved from the government to commissions and corporations: the Civil Service remained quite autonomous and authoritarian too. The church retained power, squashing social welfare schemes. Noel Browne's "Mother and Child" scheme (maternity health benefits without a means test) was squashed by the Church ('no guarantee state officials will abide by Church teachings').

Fianna Fail regained power in 1951 and held it except '54-7 coalition. Sean Lemass became head as De Valera aged. Since emigration and economy had gotten worse and worse, Programme for Economic Expansion (1958-63), dismantled economic protection and encouraged foreign investment. Growth rate 4 percent, prosperity brought profound social and cultural changes. Emigration substantially declined, consumer spending increased, and religious social teaching was challenged and often set aside by newly affluent Irish men and women. World Bank membership, an Anglo-Irish Free Trade Agreement in 1965 (recalling the Act of Union to some). The economic plan worked to a degree, and population started to rise in 1960s, with other. social results: free post-primary education from early 1960s; better pensions; some improvement in women's status; national television; Shannon airport aided American tourism.

Though after setbacks there was finally membership in EEC in 1972, the boom petered out in the 1970s, employment falling. Fianna Fáil government of Jack Lynch (1966-73 ) was defeated by a Fine Gael-Labour coalition led by Liam Cosgrave. But the oil crisis and recession of 1974-75 forced the imposition of deflationary economic policies, a wealth tax, and attempts to tax farmers' incomes, and Jack Lynch returned to power in 1977. Despite the changes in its ideology away from "Sinn Féin" ideas, Fianna Fáil stayed republican in certain ways, though getting more bourgeois in focus, as evidenced by Charles Haughey and another (?) tried twice for an "arms plot" in 1970 , smuggling arms to the IRA in the Six Counties. Party differences more family than ideology, though. Fianna Fáil proposed ambitious economic policy based on tax cuts and the creation of new enterprises by foreign borrowing. Charles Haughey succeeded Jack Lynch as Fianna Fáil prime minister in 1979. Despite a brief boom, serious problems became evident in the Irish economy by 1980: declining agricultural prices, rising imports and rising prices for imported oil, only a small increase in output, and a rapidly growing young population. Foreign borrowing had increased, while unemployment and inflation rose steeply.

A succession of brief governments, none of which could seem to solve the economy: 1981 election no majority, and Garret FitzGerald of the Fine Gael-Labour coalition took power, on economic policy of a wealth tax, and the removal of a constitutional ban on divorce. The coalition budget of the coalition government was defeated in January 1982, general election in February returned Fianna Fáil and Charles Haughey to power: a program of severe public spending cuts was introduced to curb a budget deficit equal to 7 percent of the GNP. The government was defeated on a no-confidence vote in November and another general election--the third in 18 months--followed. This time a Fine Gael-Labour coalition under the leadership of FitzGerald secured an overall majority of the vote, and stayed in till 1987. By the mid-1980s the economy improved a little, inflation at lowest level in nearly two decades, helped by lower oil prices, though budget deficit and unemployment still high. Emigration, a barometer of Irish economic health, again began to increase in the mid-1980s.

In social relations, visit of Pope John Paul II in 1979 was huge event, first pontifical visit. Catholic pressure groups in 1983 initiated and won a referendum to approve a constitutional amendment reinforcing the republic's existing ban on abortion, and another referendum in 1986 voted against removing the ban. But in 1985 the Church futilely opposed the government's liberalization of legislation concerning contraception. [I need to bring this up to date.]

To turn to Northern relations: In 1960s IRA in the South rediscovered socialism, but split on it in 1970 (produced the Provisionals--Maoists); in the meantime bombing campaign in the North 1957-62, and Nelson's Pillar blown up 1966. Moreover, in the Six Counties at end of 1960s catastrophe struck: pattern of discrimination, restive newly educated Catholic youth, inept efforts by Lemass and NI's O'Neill at better relations, so Ian Paisley led Protestant militants against any change at all. In 1968 Civil Rights Association was doing demonstrations, but not the usual youth culture, rather, within traditional community allegiances. Battles over marches: Derry in October 1968, a Paisleyite ambush in 1969, Battle of the Bogside in August. Some concessions in housing, and B-Specials disbanded, but UDF began, part-time and sectarian. British sent in more troops, who were perceived as partial too, and IRA was reborn, protecting the Catholic ghettoes and taking over from the Maoist dreamers of a united front: in convention of 1969 Provisionals separated, leaving Officials to drift leftward and out. By 1971 IRA had redefined target from the Protestants to the British presence. Polarization increased: January 30 1972 Paratroop Regiment killed 13 civilians (more, said my informant) after a banned march in Derry. Protestant gangs ritually killed many (see Resurrection Man) and IRA bombed civilian centers like pubs. In March Edward Heath suspended Stormont, ruled direct by Secretary of State, and the 1920 devolution experiment had ended in chaos. Various solutions tried, but stalemate (especially since Protestants veto any compromise). Dublin condemned the Provos, but a 1970 "arms trial" crisis had two cabinet ministers accused of shipping arms north, so there was ambiguity.

Still, Eire mostly paid lip service to 32-county republicanism, and went on its own way: it had become what 19th century conservatives, English and Irish, pictured: a powerful state apparatus developed from that of the "oppressor", a strong Catholic middle class, entrenched rights of landed property (large and small), Church control of education, and stable political system on English model but adjusted to Irish preoccupations. Not so rural any more, but economically vulnerable, more like southern Mediterrenean than Northern Europe.

Northern Ireland, the IRA, and developments to the present

At this point I turn to Northern Ireland again, starting in the 1920s, and recount the history of its struggles from that point to the present, in the process bringing up to date the general history of the IRA and the political struggles among Eire, the 6 Counties, and Britain which bring us up essentially to the present.

In 1920 Catholic workers were expelled from shipyards and factories, in the bloodiest stuff since the Rising. Ulster Protestants were content with their separate status, and repudiated the Treaty. There was a boycott of Northern Ireland by the Free State, and Collins supplied arms to try to destabilize the North (and/or to defend the Catholics oppressed by the B-Specials, ex-UVF/ex-Ulster Regiment men), but the only ones really discontented with the Treaty's arrangement were the 6 Counties' miserable Catholic minority, who hunkered down. At this point the IRA was small and ineffective, and in 1922, when about 400 died, sectarian killings and the B-Specials accounted for about twice as many Catholics as Protestants. A Civil Authorities Act of 1922 gave the legal basis for coercion of and discrimination against Catholics which lasted until 1972, and the new government relied on the Orange Order to mobilize Protestants and keep terrorist control (something Collins couldn't do in the South because the IRB was too fragmented). Catholics in the North didn't even participate in the legislated numbers in schools (e.g., refused pay, taught the Southern curriculum) or local government, and the government soon legislated even that out: electoral districts were gerrymandered in 1922, and proportional representation was abolished in 1929. Catholics became simply a frightened and oppressed minority. The IRA strengthened in the 1930s largely because sectarian violence was endemic, e.g., riots in 1932 and 1935 when the Queen street (Catholic) York street (Protestant) area was a shooting gallery. The IRA struggled about having a separate Northern Command--it was fascist-influenced, and kneecapping for discipline began in the 1940s. In 1942 a campaign of shooting policemen etc.; strip-strike in Belfast jail in 1943 (prisoners naked in empty cell all day);

DeValera's Tariff War with Britain decisively separated Northern and Southern markets, so that ever after NI has been locked to Britain (to the latter's cost, usually) while the South has gone it alone--e.g., after the war NI participated in the British welfare state. In 1949 Costello's declaration of the Republic provoked in NI the Ireland Act, which affirmed that NI would never cease to be part of Britain without the consent of the Stormont parliament. And after the war Northern Catholics started to think only of employment and housing reform and not of reuniting North and South. Northern IRA in 1949 decided policy was to be to try to drive out English (rather than act against the constabulary, etc.), and firm policy was set not to act against 26-county forces in 1950 and 1954. Moreover, until 1956 the main thrust was political, with scattered physical force incidents (and splits in the IRA about strategy) such as 6 raids against barracks in England and NI to seize arms.

The IRA declared a Border Campaign against the North in 1956. Organizers sent North, to train, recruit and pick out targets. Between 1956 and 1962 11 republicans killed and 6 RUC men, damages of 1million pounds and 10 million in patrol costs. Amounted to a series of incidents along the border, blowing up bridges etc. Special Powers Act December 15, 1956, to intern without trial suspected terrorists. But Dublin forces captured more IRA men than RUC did, and 1958 de Valera reopened the Curragh and interned 131 till 1959. Thus people were arrested and became political prisoners or special category prisoners. Public support for the campain nosedived, and in 1962 after some stupid murders of young RUC men, when Charles Haughey, Minister of Justice, decided on drastic action (this is what Eamon Redmond is involved in the planning of in The Heather Blazing), the IRA didn't give him the chance and called off the campaign, dumped its arms (sold most of them to Welsh nationalists, in fact, who got scared and dumped them in a lake), and it looked as if the IRA was finished.

But the movement, deeply divided, grew again, Sinn Féin emphasizing local elections. But physical force reemerged, in 1966 IRA blowing up Nelson's Pillar, and 17 bank raids 1967-70. A general leftwards tilt, with demonstrations and sit-ins (this objected to in America). Terence O'Neill, PM of NI, tried cross-border rapprochement, e.g., meetings with Lemass in 1965 and 1967; but these reversed when in 1968-70 Haughey was implicated in providing arms to the North, which thereupon reacted with distrust of Eire.

From 1963-9 O'Neill also tried to diminish discrimination against Catholics, but raised expectations more than delivered, so Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association formed Feb 1967--the IRA doubted it would work, but pledged to give it a try, and they did, and deserve much of the credit for its success (though politically it defused them, as the Fianna Fáil success in 1932 had done). October 5 1968 a peaceful Derry march batonned by RUC, decline to anarchy, August 12 1969 Apprentice Boys March in Derry, RUC attacked stone-throwing Catholics and a siege of the Bogside (Catholics held off the RUC). As southern IRA acted indecisive, a Northern Command took shape. In South, Jack Lynch moved army units to the border and set up field hospitals for the wounded. Protestants rioted in Belfast, British acted: troops poured in, Brits announced that all the demands of the Civil Rights Movement would be met, and that Westminster would take over if Chichester Clarke (after O'Neill) government fell. IRA started up, scurrying for weapons, Lynch got firm against IRA drilling, and the IRA split, decisively, in January 1970, with the Provisionals (Provos) seceding over the decision to enter the parliaments after all and work for change through that--the Official IRA had gone leftist, and the Provos reject that for physical force.

"The Troubles" start with the decay of the purity of the Civil Rights Movement. 1968-83 saw 2300 dead (700 in security forces). There were 467 in 1972, but 1972-5, the internment years, in general were the worst (showing that repression did not reduce the violence). Policy made things worse: Falls Road curfew of 1970, in August 1971 internment (only of Catholics, though Protestant terrorists killed first and often). Stormont parliament fell in 1972, direct rule from Britain ever since. Bloody Sunday, January 30 1972, Paratroop Regiment killed 13 [or more] in a peaceful march in Derry. Soldiers blundered ahead militarily, alienating everybody, and gradually enforcing Unionist policy rather than interceding between Catholic and Protestant. By this point the Provisional IRA again a true and strong guerrilla movement. Belfast especially became a divided city, with no-go areas for Catholics and Protestants, British troops patrolling and being shot at and bombed by IRA especially, lots of assassinations.

After Stormont suspended the Secretary of State for NI, Whitelaw, worked on problems, and at the Sunningdale Conference in December 1973 tried for a power-sharing executive, with unionists, nationalists, and representatives of Dublin and Westminster. Protestant workers and the uproar over internment disrupted the country, the British dropped the plan and resumed direct rule again in 1974. But after Bloody Sunday the security forces learned a little wisdom and acted less obnoxious, and terrorism became primarily sectarian from 1975-8. Note that O'Neill and Clarke were Church of Ireland Ascendancy types, and at this point Ian Paisley and the Presbyterians took over and dominate Protestant politics since.

See the separate file on the UVF , for the micro-history of the UVF and the Shankill Butchers in the early 1970s. Also a British Campaign by the IRA, 1972-5 or so, including bombing the Old Bailey, one in Birmingham which killed 21 people, one in Tower of London injured 41 children, etc., several in Guildford and Woolwich in 1974. Various truces, but resumed in 1978 and continues. Their piece de resistance, the bombing of the London financial district in 1991.

The Thatcher government removed special category status (ie political or prisoners of war, war being the term the authorities use) and tried to criminalise the republican struggle. They were expected to wear the prison uniform to mark them as common criminals beginning on March 1st 1976. One refused, wore only blanket, and others followed in "the blanket protest". In 1978 the "no wash" protest followed after prison authorities ,enraged by the blanket protest, withdrew the normal washing and toilet arrangements and left them locked up 24 hours a day. The harassment continued with warders kicking over prisoners chamber pots and slopping the contents upon the floors where they slept. To prevent this the prisoners threw the slops out the window, which was then sealed. So the prisoners daubed the shit on the wall in a "dirty protest" over their conditions. The extension to this form of protest lay within the hunger strike of 1981 at the Maze prison. Ten prisoners (Bobby Sands first) died. 9 prisoners on H Block elected to parliament in 1981, and after the hunger strike [why did it end?]

In the early 1980s a lot of IRA bombings killed civilians--a period of "mistakes". Huge fertilizer bombs devastated commercial targets in the late'80s, e.g., the Europa Hotel. Libya supplied a lot of semtex and weapons in this period. Also a major IRA campaign in England from the late '80s to the present: 10 Marine bandsmen killed with a bomb, Paddington and Victorian railway stations; a shopping center in Warrington bombed, killed two boys. There was a short-lived peace movement centered in Eire, in response to these bombings, but it petered out especially when in 1991 and 1993 huge bombs gutted London's financial district. But note too that in 1986 an American court refused to extradite Joe Doherty, escaped from a murder sentence in NI, on the grounds that it is a political struggle not common crime (he was, however, extradited for having entered US illegally, and is now serving!) The FBI stung the IRA by selling them a Stinger missile (useful against Brit helicopters) and arresting them. Meanwhile, Loyalist death squads killed 163 Catholics between 1988-93, and Coogan at least thinks British intelligence coordinates them and controls the UVF.

In 1991 a rocket bombed PM Major at #10 Downing Street, but still there were talks about talks, frustrated however by Unionist stallings and a spate of sectarian killings, and the talks died in July '91. In January of '92 Albert Reynolds succeeded Haughey (who had, however, set up the Hume/Gerry Adams talks), and Reynolds and Major talked in April '92. Still, the Unionists vowed "not one inch" and Major relied too much on them for his Parliamentary majority to insist--he continued to guarantee that there would be no change in NI without their agreement. In Eire, a new Labor/Fianna Fáil coalition was a strong one, and was able to support Hume/Adams talks, but Hume and Adams ruled out any settlement without self-determination (i.e., insisting the Brits out).

In February 1994 Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams visited New York after the granting of a 48 hour visa by the Clinton administration. March saw a series of mortar attacks at Heathrow Airport on the 9, 10 and the 13, with unarmed rockets, demonstrated the airports vulnerability. A spectacular own goal was scored on June 2, by the British when a Chinook helicopter crash in Scotland effectively wiped out Britain's counterinsurgency staff leaving gaps across every region of the six counties. Ceasefire by the IRA arrived the start of September. October saw the lifting of an exclusion order (from entering mainland Britain) on the leaders of Sinn Fein and the announcement that John Major's government would have talks with them. The loyalist paramilitary groups declared their ceasefire on the 14th of that month leaving the British armed forces as the only group continuing their military operations. They still claim that they are pulling out of the state but it seems untrue. None of the state of the art barracks have had any attempts at dismantling. The R.U.C. still actively harass the nationalist community. The government only recently has refused to talks with Sinn Fein until the I.R.A. hands in all its arms.